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The
Pennhurst Case
Philadelphia Inquirer front page feature on David Ferleger's 23 year
involvement in the landmark litigation.
November 4,
1997
PENNHURST: LAWSUIT WITHOUT END
The rights of Pennhurst's alumni have been well guarded for years. But
amid bounty, some feel forsaken.Lawsuit aids some retarded at
all costs
By L. Stuart Ditzen INQUIRER STAFF
WRITER
IT
WAS 1974,
and David Ferleger
was 26 and just two years out of the University of Pennsylvania law school
when he presented himself at the federal courthouse in Philadelphia and
filed a class-action lawsuit that would become famous.
The suit, which alleged widespread abuses against the retarded at the
Pennhurst State School and Hospital in Chester County, ultimately forced
the institution to close. It led to landmark court rulings that gave a
legal underpinning to suits against other facilities where the retarded
were warehoused and neglected around the country.
The Pennhurst case earned David Ferleger a national reputation. But 23
years later, his lawsuit drags on. It is the oldest pending federal
litigation in Philadelphia. Its files consume four shelves in the court
clerk's office -- enough space for several hundred ordinary civil
cases. The docket -- the equivalent of a table of contents of the case --
contains 3,200 entries and is 180 pages long.
At 49, David Ferleger is still prosecuting the case. And the judge
to whom it was assigned back in 1974, Raymond J. Broderick, is, at 83,
still presiding over it.
Today, the former residents of Pennhurst are the special clients
of a large Philadelphia bureaucracy set up to serve them at great expense.
If the city fails to comply with court requirements for their care -- and
Ferleger is hyper-vigilant in citing any shortcomings -- it risks
huge contempt fines from the judge.
Meanwhile, the families of thousands of
other retarded Philadelphians -- those who never passed through
Pennhurst -- wait for basic services that the city says it cannot afford
because of the extraordinary court-ordered efforts to help about 550 in
the Pennhurst group.
So intense have those efforts become that
the city's Pennhurst Management Team, spurred by Ferleger, resisted a
family's urgent request last year that a 70-year-old man, severely
retarded, totally disabled and in a vegetative state, be allowed to die in
peace in a nursing home.
Ferleger demanded that the man be moved to a community residence in
compliance with Broderick's requirements for former Pennhurst residents --
a move the man's family insisted would kill him.
Ferleger's adversaries -- lawyers for the city and the state -- say he
is a public-interest lawyer gone off track. They accuse him of dragging
out the Pennhurst case and milking it for fees that have exceeded $100,000
a year in recent years.
Earlier this year, Stephen C. Miller, a senior attorney in the City
Solicitor's Office, asserted in papers filed in court: "Mr.
Ferleger has a problem separating the merits of the case from the merits
of his fee award."
Ferleger labels such attacks "desperation" thrusts by opponents who
could face monumental fines.
It is the city and the state, he contends, that have dragged out the
Pennhurst case by failing to comply with orders from Broderick that
mandate services for ex-Pennhurst residents now living in Philadelphia.
"I've been working on this case half my life. I am ready to have it
finished," Ferleger said in an interview. "I was ready to have it finished
years ago."
For his part, Broderick -- a tall, slender man with a wavy white mane,
a chiseled face and slightly ruddy complexion -- takes tremendous pride in
what has grown from his rulings in the Pennhurst case.
"Over the years, the doctrine of Pennhurst has been accepted," the
judge said in an interview in which he discussed the history, but no
active legal aspect, of the case. "Most experts don't hesitate to say now
that the mentally retarded should be in the community."
But Broderick is eager for the litigation to end.
In recent orders, he has called for a conclusion by the end of the
year.
The acrimony between the opponents has become so vitriolic as to make
that goal seem doubtful.
Says Ferleger: "The city's still in contempt. The state is still in
contempt. I don't see any end in
sight."
PENNHURST
OPENED
in 1913 as the Eastern Pennsylvania Feeble Minded and Epileptic Institution.
Over the years, it degenerated into a place of terror and the macabre.
Ferleger's 1974 class-action lawsuit charged that the retarded people
interned there were victims of federal civil-rights violations. At trial
in the mid-1970s, he and other lawyers who joined the case presented
evidence that residents were confined in restraints, sedated with
psychotropic drugs, beaten and sexually abused.
Young people entering the institution with modest skills -- the ability
to groom and feed themselves -- soon lost those abilities inside
Pennhurst's walls.
All this was occurring at huge public expense in an institution with
1,230 residents and a staff of 1,500.
On Dec. 23, 1977, Broderick issued his finding: The rights of the
retarded residents of Pennhurst had been grossly violated. They had been
denied equal protection under the law.
"These are individuals who have not broken any laws, carry no
contagious disease, and are not in any way a danger to society," Broderick
wrote. He ordered the residents of Pennhurst returned to their
communities, to be placed in residential settings and given the training,
education and care needed to help them develop. "If anyone is in need of
training, education and care," he wrote, "they are."
The ruling was the focus of many appeals. The U.S. Supreme Court heard
arguments three times.
Finally, the case was settled in 1985. The state agreed to close
Pennhurst. The residents would receive community care. The judge would
retain jurisdiction to assure their needs were met.
Carrying out that agreement became a sluggish, contentious process.
At a lengthy contempt hearing in 1993,
evidence showed that as many as 55 former Pennhurst residents who should
have been moved to community homes in Philadelphia merely had been
transferred from Pennhurst to other institutions. The city and state had
lost track of others. For still others, no plans had been drawn for their
care. Some were lacking eyeglasses and wheelchairs. Thirty-one had never
been visited by a case manager. Incidents of neglect, death, injury and
abuse had gone unreported. On March 28, 1994, Broderick issued a scathing
denunciation of those failures and held the city and state in contempt. He
threatened to impose a $10,000-a-day fine -- to be split by the city and
the state -- for each violation unless the problems were corrected.
The Pennhurst litigation for the last three years has narrowed to a
microscopic examination of details of the care and management of each
retarded person.
Ferleger has an unusually commanding role in the litigation. He is, in
effect, a lawyer without a client. He represents 550 people, but none
tells him what to do. Because he prevailed in the case, his fees must be
paid by the city and state, subject to court approval. Whatever legal work
he thinks needs to be done, he does, and bills for it -- at $250 an hour.
At a hearing in 1995, Barry M. Klayman, a lawyer representing the state
Department of Public Welfare, protested: "Mr. Ferleger decides what he
wants to do, when he wants to do it, without any controls by any outside
individual. He does not consult with any clients. He does not have any
clients."
Ferleger retorted that, under the law, he had an ethical duty to make
decisions in behalf of the ex-Pennhurst residents because their
disabilities rendered them unable to make decisions for
themselves.
STRIKING
IN APPEARANCE,
with large, blue eyes and a full, graying beard, David Ferleger is the
son of Holocaust survivors. And the Holocaust, he says, has given
direction to his legal career.
One of Hitler's first steps toward building a German master race was to
annihilate the mentally retarded and mentally ill.
Ferleger prides himself on devoting his legal career to representing
people with those infirmities.
Contrary to the claims of his critics, he said, he has not gotten rich
at the job.
"Some years I lose money," he said. "Some years I make a little money.
Some years I make a substantial amount of money. But there have been some
years when my secretary has made more money than I have."
Ferleger is a sole practitioner. He has a spartan office in a narrow,
nondescript building on 20th Street near Chestnut.
Though his fees have recently exceeded $100,000 a year in the Pennhurst
case, those fees are only a fraction of the aggregate costs of the
continuing litigation.
Since 1993, more than $2.3 million from city and state treasuries has
been spent on lawyers' fees and fees of the special master -- a sum that
would provide a full-time day program for a year for 230 of the retarded
people on Philadelphia's waiting lists.
Every penny of that $2.3 million -- and every other expense related to
Pennhurst -- is paid by taxpayers.
Volumes, literally, of reports and pleadings are churned out in the
litigation almost as if on a production line.
Much of the verbiage focuses on the details of care provided, or not
provided, to those in the Pennhurst group.
In a February 1996 report to Broderick, Special Master Tony Records
said he had reviewed the care to 112 ex-Pennhurst residents and turned up
violations of the judge's orders in 12 percent of the cases.
But he recommended against fines, saying the city and state were making
"considerable effort" to correct the violations.
In his court pleadings, Ferleger asserts that the needs of many in the
Pennhurst group aren't being met. He pounds a steady drumbeat urging
Broderick to levy fines.
In the three years since he threatened fines, Broderick has not once
issued one.
"I think Judge Broderick has been extraordinarily patient," Ferleger
said. "Too patient."
FOR
THE CASE TO END, the city and state must comply with 14 legal requirements
set down by Broderick in 1994 for each Pennhurst class member. Each must
have a case manager. Each must be settled in a supervised home called
a community living arrangement. Each must have a dental and health-care
program. And so on.
The most demanding of Broderick's requirements is that each Pennhurst
class member, no matter how severely handicapped, must have a detailed
"habilitation" plan with itemized therapies and programs aimed at
developing any potential skills.
The costs of complying with Broderick's order are so huge -- $100,000,
on average, for each Pennhurst class member -- that even Ferleger says he
is sometimes appalled.
Citing a case where services for one person cost more than $200,000 a
year, Ferleger said: "This is ridiculous. I mean, I like my clients
getting money, but this is crazy."
Broderick does not concern himself with what it costs to carry out his
orders. The judge has a deep affection for all retarded people but says it
is not his fault if heavy spending on Pennhurst class members creates
inequities that deny service to others.
As for bringing the case to an end this year, Tony Records wrote to
Broderick in March: "This will be an extremely difficult task to
accomplish."
Everyone, he said, would have to cooperate.
In recent months, Ferleger has turned up the pressure on the city and
state, with demands for information, deposition notices, letters,
subpoenas.
In May, Stephen Miller, the lawyer representing the city Health
Department, accused him of harassment and intimidation.
Miller and lawyers for the state argue in legal papers that Ferleger is
grossly overinvolved in the management of care for his clients. In
Miller's words, he has become "a bull in a china shop."
Broderick has been unmoved by such grievances. In approving Ferleger's
$250-an-hour rate in 1995, the judge issued an opinion in which he
endorsed Ferleger's aggressive role.
"The court gives great weight to Mr. Ferleger's 23 years of experience
. . . on behalf of people with disabilities," Broderick wrote. "The court
takes judicial notice of the fact that over the course of his career, Mr.
Ferleger has developed a national reputation in his field."
Records labors to play a neutral, middle-man role in working among the
sparring parties to end the litigation. Conferences with all combatants
together in the same room have proved unsuccessful. Records engages in
shuttle diplomacy, going from one party to another.
"It is difficult sometimes to move forward," said the low-key Records,
"when you have parties who can't agree on the size of the table."
ESTELLE
RICHMAN,
the city health commissioner, says the Pennhurst litigation gobbles up
resources and puts a tremendous strain on her department's programs for
the retarded.
"The longer we stay in, the harder it is to get out," Richman said,
"and it affects everything around us."
Susan Pingree, chief of the Health Department's Pennhurst Management
Team, said her goal is to see that the court order is carried out, and
that a structure is put in place to assure that when court supervision
ends, quality services will remain for the Pennhurst group.
"We are very much committed to fixing it and fixing it so it lasts,"
Pingree said.
Richman hates the fact that the Pennhurst Management Team is necessary.
But it is, she added. "We're scared to death if a need isn't met, we
are going to get hit with a $5,000-a-day fine. We would have to deny
everybody everything if we ever got hit with those fines."
If fines are levied, the state Department of Public Welfare, which
oversees programs for the retarded, would also have to pay $5,000 a day.
It is particularly difficult to satisfy the
strict requirements of the court order, Richman said, because any system
that provides care for such a vulnerable group as the retarded, whether in
institutions or in the community, is bound to have shortcomings. If
problem cases are continually laid before the federal court, contempt
orders could go on forever. Even after the Pennhurst case
concludes, there is no guarantee that new litigation might not arise if
the quality of services to the class members is questioned again. Richman said she
had three goals: To end the litigation. To get rid of the two-tiered
system in her department and reunify its retardation programs. And to
provide more equitable services to all who are in need.
She said she hoped to fulfill those goals before Mayor Rendell left
office.
"Two and a half years and counting," Richman said with a determined
nod.
WHAT DOES THE
FUTURE HOLD for those 550 disabled people from Pennhurst, now the object
of so much attention?
This much is certain: All of them are getting
older. Their average age is 50. In time, many are destined to need medical
and nursing care that cannot be provided in a community-living
arrangement. At that point, the decree of a federal court aimed at
providing them with richer lives may lose relevance. Does a
70-year-old retarded man in failing health, for example, really need
"occupational therapy"?
Many of the case files already tell grim tales of aging people,
severely retarded, in deteriorating health. They are incontinent,
suffering from Alzheimer's disease, disoriented. And their afflictions are
likely to worsen.
Anthony Felicione was 70 and far beyond anyone's ability to do much for
him but keep him comfortable.
Felicione was severely retarded, deaf, mute, and nearly blind. He
couldn't walk and suffered a host of medical problems. He had persistent
bladder infections and severe respiratory problems, and his bones were so
brittle that they could break almost at a touch.
Felicione was one of the longtime residents of Pennhurst, admitted as a
teenager in 1942. He came from a family in Philadelphia that never stopped
visiting him and, in his old age, battled the Pennhurst bureaucracy over
his care.
When Broderick ordered
Pennhurst emptied and its residents returned to their communities,
Felicione presented a difficult case.
Because of his many health problems, he ended up in a nursing home,
Simpson House, at Belmont Avenue and Monument Road. But Broderick's
order made no provision for nursing-home placements.
The city, after Broderick's 1994 contempt order, came under tremendous
pressure to move the fragile Felicione to a community-living arrangement.
Felicione's brother, John, of Northeast Philadelphia, vigorously
opposed any move. He was convinced that his brother, lost in a vegetative
state, was receiving excellent care in the nursing home. He believed that
his brother was at the end of his life and the kindest thing was to leave
him alone and let him die in peace. To move him, John Felicione argued,
would kill him.
The most outspoken advocate for Anthony Felicione's transfer was David
Ferleger. In Ferleger's view, there was no room for exception to the rule
that everyone from Pennhurst was to be settled in a community-living
arrangement.
The Pennhurst Management Team in July 1996 considered moving Felicione
to a ranch house in Northeast Philadelphia. City officials estimated it
could cost as much as $500,000 a year. In addition to a full-time resident
staff, Felicione would require round-the-clock nursing.
John Felicione wrote a letter to Ferleger in September 1996 saying, "We
who are his next of kin are frightened to death at the prospect of his
being removed from his present home. . . . Surely you are missing a lot of
facts if you believe that mental retardation is a factor in Anthony's
needs today."
Ferleger wrote back, thanking him but pointing out: "Your brother's
situation was litigated before the federal court and is the subject of a
number of orders now which require his placement."
Late last year, the special master in the Pennhurst case recommended
leaving Felicione in the nursing home -- at least for a year. Broderick
agreed.
Before that year was up, Anthony Felicione ended the dispute over his
care all by himself. On March 8, he died.
John Felicione is still troubled.
"At age 70, you're not going to rehabilitate a person like my brother,"
he said in an interview. "The issue of community care for these poor
people is really a misguided issue. The system, instead of helping these
people, acts as their enemy.
"There must be dozens of people who are affected by this. What's going
to happen to these people in the community living arrangements when they
get a little older? What's going to happen when they need medical and
nursing care and not community-living arrangements?
"The system is not ready for that yet," Felicione said. "It has not
graduated to that yet. It hasn't recognized that need yet."

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